Saturday, March 31, 2007

Fernando "Lasama" de Araújo afirmou hoje à Agência Lusa que "não haverá mais um governo de Mari Alkatiri, nem mais um Parlamento de "Lu Olo"" em Timo

Manatuto, Timor-Leste, 30 Mar (Lusa) - Fernando "Lasama" de Araújo afirmou hoje à Agência Lusa que "não haverá mais um governo de Mari Alkatiri, nem mais um Parlamento de "Lu Olo"" em Timor-Leste, defendendo que a campanha para as eleições legislativas "já começou".

"O que eu digo aos meus simpatizantes é que, depois das eleições presidenciais, haverá eleições gerais (legislativas, ainda sem data marcada) e que teremos de imediato uma reforma política", afirmou o presidente do Partido Democrático (PD) de Timor-Leste.
A campanha de Fernando "Lasama" de Araújo, o oitavo candidato nos boletins de voto às presidenciais de 09 de Abril, passou hoje em Manatuto, cerca de 60 quilómetros a leste de Díli.
Segundo observadores eleitorais e elementos das forças policiais ouvidos pela Lusa no local, "Lasama" foi, "sem qualquer dúvida, quem mobilizou mais pessoas até agora" entre os candidatos que passaram por Manatuto.
Francisco Guterres "Lu Olo", candidato da Fretilin, João Carrascalão, Lúcia Lobato e Francisco Xavier do Amaral realizaram acções de campanha em Manatuto, a região onde nasceu Xanana Gusmão, o Presidente cessante de Timor-Leste.
José Ramos-Horta, que abandonou o cargo de primeiro-ministro para se candidatar às presidenciais, teve uma acção de campanha agendada para a vila, mas acabou por realizá-la noutra localidade.
O presidente do PD disse estar "emocionado" com a organização do comício e com a resposta da população, que acorreu ao campo de futebol de Manatuto - "entre 700 a mil pessoas", segundo um polícia internacional.
Fernando "Lasama" de Araújo era secretário-geral da RENETIL, o organismo juvenil da Resistência timorense, quando foi preso durante a ocupação indonésia, em 1991.
O líder da RENETIL passou seis anos e quatro meses na cadeia de Cipinang, Jacarta, a mesma onde esteve Xanana Gusmão.
"Foi nos anos de Cipinang que aprendi com Xanana e com outros prisioneiros políticos. A minha formação política vem de Cipinang", disse.
De qualquer forma, se for eleito para a chefia do Estado, Fernando "Lasama" de Araújo referiu que será um Presidente diferente de Xanana Gusmão.
"Xanana trabalhou com este Parlamento e com este Governo", explicou. "E não haverá mais um governo de Mari Alkatiri, nem mais um Parlamento de "Lu Olo"".
Sobre o Congresso Nacional da Reconstrução de Timor (CNRT), o novo partido apoiado por Xanana Gusmão, o líder do PD disse que não é adversário à altura porque "só tem a figura" do Presidente cessante.
"No PD, não temos figuras mas temos equipa e a equipa é muito sólida. Resulta de um trabalho de seis anos, que já se vê nesta campanha presidencial. Acredito que a Fretilin já não vai ganhar", afirmou o presidente do PD.
"Este povo acompanhou a situação durante cinco anos e sabe quais são as fraquezas da Fretilin e quem são as pessoas que lá estão", acrescentou o candidato.
Fernando "Lasama" de Araújo nasceu em 1963 em Manutasi, Ainaro. A sua biografia de campanha refere que, "quando tinha 12 anos, testemunhou o massacre de 18 familiares pelo Exército indonésio". Terá sido esse o momento que determinou o seu empenhamento nas estruturas juvenis e clandestinas da Resistência.
Lusa/Fim

Wednesday, March 28, 2007

PROBAGANDA KONTRA PD

PROBAGANDA KONTRA PD



Tuir Blogspot Lafaek Rai Maran (LRM) nebe´e pertence ba Orgaun Probaganda FRM (OPFRM), tamba la iha argumentu katak hodi hatan ba artigo nebe´e maka Forum Haksesuk (FH) hakerek konaba” CCF ne mata dalan M.Alkatiri nian (http://forum-haksesuk.blogspot.com/2007/03/ccf-ne-mata-dalan-alkatiri-nian.html).

Hatan ba artigo,Lafaek hakerek nune:

“«PD ne´e mata dalan X i RH

PD ne´e iha ligasaun ho Milici pro-otonomi (Nemesio i Rui Lopes)

PD ne´e joga papel USA no Australia nian (idem)”».



LRM ninia akusasaun subjektiva demais,tamba la hatan ba artigo nebe´e maka FH hakerek nebe´e baseia ba Estatuto Interna Fretilin (EIF) nian,ninia orgaun sira (CP i CCF), kompetencia orgaun ida-idak nian,emar sira nebe´e maka kaer iha orgaun sira ne´e, no sst.

Problema ba LRM ho orgaun probaganda FRM nian maka ne´e:



Ida (1), se PD ne´e mata dalan Ramos Horta nian, laos ninia kandidatu ba Prezidente Republika maka José Ramos Horta (JRH), maibe PD iha ninia kandidatu maka Prezidente PD,Fernando La´sama.

Rua (2), Se PD maka mata dalan Xanana nian,nusa maka la alinya ho plataforma pre-eleitoral nebe´e Partido CNRT,nebe Xanana nian sei harii ba hasoru eleisaun Legislativa.

Ho pontus rua (2) nebe´e temi ona iha leten hatudu katak «”PD ne laos mata dalan ema ida nian”». Iha ne´e hatudu momos katak PD ne´e fiar ba nian (Percaya Diri=PD).

Tolu (3),LRM mos akusa PD ne´e iha ligasaun ho Pro-Otonomia sira,hodi foti naran hanesan:Nemesio Carvalho no Rui Lopes. LRM mos deskontextualiza ona ho historia, tamba agora la iha ona grupos pro ka kontra Otonomia, tamba Timor LoroSae moris nudar rai nebe´e independente,hetan rekonyecimentu husi Komunidade Internacional,iha ona ninia estrutura estado nian,iha ninia sistema organizasaun politika, no sst. Argumenta orgaun probagandista FRM nian: PD iha ligasaun ho Rui Lopes, neduni PD ne´e konsidere besik ba sira Pro-Otonomi.Falsu akusasaun ne´e mos la iha fundamentu maka ne´e:Tuir Hau hatene Rui Lopes waihira mai Portugal iha 2004,nia mai apresenta an ba militante PSD iha Portugal nudar militante Partido Mário Carrascalao nian.Iha ne´e la los tiha ona akusasaun OPFRM sira.



Hat (4), OPFRM, sira mos akusa PD nudar mata dalan ba Australia ho USA nian. Sira nia diskursu maka ne´e:Ema nebe kontra FRM ne´e halo ona jogo ba Emar liur nian (Sani:USA,Ausi,no sst),waihira Igreja católica (IC) halo manifestasaun iha tinan 2005,OPFRM nian akusa USA maka joga iha IC nia kotuk. Waihira F-FDTL Petisaun halo manifestasaun akusa katak iha emar liur maka joga iha kotuk. Probaganda sira ne´e hatudu katak OPFRM buka oinsa maka buka «emar nebe´e maka bele lori sala ba sira nia sala rasik». Tuir lolos hare husi krise politika militar ne´e ninia hun to´o dait dikin sira ne´e se maka personagem central hanesan «Causa e problema» maka:Eis-PM Mari Bin Amunidin Alkatiri.Maibe OPFRM buka transforma autora moral i intelektual krise politika militar ba sae fali vitima



LRM ho orgaun Probaganda FRM nian mos sira,iha ikus ne´e tenta atu hamis PD hodi dada tali mean nebe´e bele iha relasaun PD ho elementus pro-Otonomia (Rui Lopes i Nemesio Carvalho). Teoria ida ne´e laos foun ida,hahu krise Politika Militar ne´e rasik sira soe ona issu ne´e. Sira hamutuk ho Journalista Australia oan ida naran Martinkus,nia hakerek iha ninia artigo balun iha New Matilde,buka oinsa envolve Prezidente Xanana iha konspirasaun hatun Mari Alkatiri. Sira inventa katak:Abilio Mesquita,Sub-Komandante PNTL ho ninia grupos sira simu ordem husi Xanana hodi ba ataka Taur Matan Ruak nia uman,hodi argumenta katak deklarasaun AM nian ne´e waihira Martinkus akompanya PM José Ramos Horta ba visita LP.Becora.Maibe tamba iha Journaliusta Timor oan balun maka akompanya JRH ba iha Becora desmente issu ida ne´e. Ikus Mai Jill Jollief (Journalista Australiana nebe´e maka hakerek livro barak konaba Timor)desmente katak ne´e «La los,Noticias New Matilde nian ne´e falsu». Sira inventa mos katak Alfredo Reinado ne´e ema Xanana nian, se AR ema Xanana nian,tansa maka XG lori Estado nia naran haruka FI ba ataka AR ho nia elementus sira???

Tuesday, March 27, 2007

Gusmao to stand for PM of East Timor

The Financial Times

Gusmao to stand for PM of East Timor
By John Aglionby in Dili, East Timor

Published: March 26 2007 15:29 | Last updated: March 26 2007 15:29

Xanana Gusmão, East Timor’s president, announced on Monday that he would
join a new opposition political party and contest general elections due
to be held in the next three months.

The move would see Mr Gusmão, a revered former guerrilla leader and poet
who had said he wanted to retire from public life, become the leading
candidate for the more hands-on job of prime minister at the general
elections.

Should he win, Mr Gusmão would replace José Ramos Horta, the Nobel
laureate who took over as prime minister of the tiny former Portuguese
colony following a violent crisis last year. Mr Ramos Horta, in turn, is
the favourite to win an election for the largely ceremonial presidential
post scheduled for April 9, although the former foreign minister is one
of eight candidates.

The moves by East Timor’s two best-known leaders are seen as increasing
the pressure on the leadership of Fretilin, the leftist ruling party
whose leader, former prime minister Mari Alkatiri, was widely blamed for
last year’s crisis.

Mr Alkatiri was forced to resign as prime minister last May after being
accused of involvement in communal unrest that left 37 people dead and
saw 150,000 residents of the capital Dili flee their homes. Some 2,500
foreign troops were deployed to restore order.

Mr Gusmão said on Monday that he would join the National Congress for
Timorese Reconstruction, or CNRT, which is expected to register formally
as a party in the coming weeks. It is using the acronym employed by the
1990s umbrella group that led the international fight against Indonesian
rule, which came to an end with a United Nations-sponsored ballot in 1999.

Announcing his decision to remain in politics, Mr Gusmão told a group of
CNRT members that he wanted to end the widespread suffering that blights
much of East Timor’s 1m population following a year of political turmoil.

„When I leave the presidency we will join together for the people’s
salvation because they mustn’t suffer again,” he said.

Mr Gusmão’s announcement came after he was presented with a petition
that CNRT members said had been signed by 6,250 people eager to see the
president remain in politics.

„East Timor needs a strong political party with good leadership, with a
leader who loves people,” the petition said. „That’s why we want you
Xanana. We only trust you.”

Filomeno Aleixo, a member of the Fretilin central committee, on Monday
condemned Mr Gusmão’s use of the CNRT acronym, which remains emotive in
East Timor. „It’s his right to do what he’s doing but it’s unethical
because he’s effectively hijacking a powerful historical symbol – the
name CNRT – that all Timorese know as something completely different
from what he’s using it for,” Mr Aleixo said.

Saturday, March 24, 2007

Comentarios sobre as eleicoes Presidenciais

Maluk sira,hare didiak ba comentarios husi autor anonimo ida tuir mai nee.
Karik comentario nee mak los duni, ita bele hatenten katak embora Fretilin utiliza meios oi-oin hodi halao campanha, Fretilin nia apoio iha base fraku ona.
Afinal ema sira nebe tuir campanha Luo Olo nian,nee laos populacao local maibe sira lori husi distritos seluk-seluk.
Tuir comentario nee hatenten katak candidatos sira seluk apesar de laiha facilidades hanesan Fretilin iha, sira mos consegue halibur ema rihun ba rihun. Maluk sira, ida nee hatudo katak eleicoes presidenciais ida nee interesante atu assiste. Povo oras nee la os beik, maski simples povo TL hatene se mak sira sei vota ba representa sira nia interesses.
Povo sei foti ema nebe ho integridade boot, nebe terus nanis ho povo iha tinan barak liu ba, ida nebe senti iha kulit sofrimento povo nian, ida nebe rona povo, hakraik aan i servi povo. Ema ida nebe ho kualificacao ida nee mak La Sama.



Em 25/03/07, naikoli naikoli escreveu:

--- Mak Sa'e Monu escreveu:

> Além de mais os partidos da oposição nem se quer tem
> o apoio financeiro do estado timorense.
> Um estado cujo sistema Semi-Presidencial e
> multipartidário, que esta escrito na constituição.
> Como podemos desenvolver a politica e a democracia.
>
> Quer dizer quem rouba mais é que pode estar no
> poder...
Quanto mais roubar, perdurara no poder...

Daí o povo está sujeito a objecto de manobras
politicas...
>
>
>
> >From: "John MacDougall"
>
> >Reply-To: east-timor-studies-owner@yahoogroups.com
> >To: east-timor-studies@yahoogroups.com
> >Subject: [timor] Anônimo disse...
> >Date: Sat, 24 Mar 2007 19:18:57 -0000
> >
>
>http://pagina-um.blogspot.com/2007/03/trguas-nas-presidnciais-timorenses.html#comment-3564317128095694092
> >
> >...
> >
> > Anônimo disse...
> >
> > Todos os candidatos ja fizeram os seus
> comicios de abertura. O Lu Olo anda com 30 camionetas transportando
pessoal de um lado para o para o acompanhar na campanha.
Em Viqueque ele teve gente levada de Manatuto, Dili, Aileu, Ermera, Bagia, Vemasse,
Ossu, Turiskai, etc... e mais camionetas estao alugadas para levar
mais gente para os outros districtos .
O Horta como sabe começou de forma modesta em
Dili com um ginasio meio vasio..

A Lucia Lobato esteve ontem em Liquiça e de acordo com os jornalistas estiveram la milhares de pessoas, sem precisar numeros.

Joao Carrascalao esteve em Ermera onde reuniu milhares de de pessoas
dos quais a maioria eram malta jovem.

O La Sama em Same reuniu milhares de pessoas. Em Aileu, ponto forte da ASDT

Xavier do Amaral reuniu mais de cinco mil pessMAnuel oas. Nao tenho
dados sobre os noutros dois, o Tilman e o Avelino Coelho .

Para alem dos candidatos Horta e Lu Olo, os outros candidatos nao tem posses financeiras para alugar camionetas e da a impressaão que o povo todo os apoia...V

ejam só a equipe de do Lu Olo.

Quantos são? Quanto é que estão a ganhar? Pois você não sabe nem mesmo , mas fique a saber que não estão de borla! Quantas poster mandou o Lu Olo fazer , e mesmo o Horta , 5 mil ou talvez mais...e digam me só de onde vem o dinheiro para
pagar a alimentaão dostransportados pelas camionetas? ...E o resto do

"POVO" ainda com fome!!!!!
> 24/3/07 11:57

Sabino: Lasama, Maubere Original Nia Oan

Suai 23 Marsu 2007

Sabino: Lasama, Maubere Original Nia Oan

SUAI – Sekretariu Jeral Partidu Demokratiku (PD), Mariano Sabino deklara ba populasaun Suai, Covalima, katak, Fernando de Araujo “Lasama” nudar ema Maubere originaria nian oan.
Lasama sei lori povu Maubere atu kaer rasik kuda tali nebee ema seluk hadau tiha no hodi Maubere nia naran atu ukun, maibe sira ukun so halo terus povu Maubere deit.

Deklarasaun Sabino nee hato’o iha primeiru kanpanha, Sesta-feira (23/3), iha kampaina kandidatu Fernando Lasama iha Suai, Covalima. Tanba nee Sabino husu ba povu Maubere iha Suai no Covalima tomak atu hili Maubere kiik nian oan hodi tuur iha kadeira Prezidente RDTL atu ukun, lori Maubere ba moris diak.

Primeiru dia kampanha nee, Lasama halo iha area gereja Ave Maria Suai. Prezensa iha kampaina nee ema rihun resin. Iha nia diskursu, kandidatu Prezidente Fernando Lasama hatete, too ona tempu atu Maubere oan sira halo mudansa, maibe mudansa nee tenki liu husi eleisaun. Karik “Hau eleitu sai prezidente, hau sei lori povu sai husi tanis nia laran, hodi moris hakmatek iha dame no paz nia laran,” katak Lasama

Nia promete katak, atu hadia instituisaun F-FDTL nebee ema fahe tiha ona, no hadia mos PNTL nebee naksobu tanba ema seluk nia interese. Atu nunee bele hametin fali no metin liu tan soberania nasaun foun nee nebee ema aat sira estraga tiha.

Fundador Estudante Renetil (Resistensia Estudantes Timor Leste) nee mos promete atu hadia justisa. Para nunee povu Mauberi bele hetan justisa lolos no justu. No halao dezenvolvementu husi baze too nasional. bre

Atuasaun Justisa (ça) ba Mari Alkatiri (MA) ho

Atuasaun Justisa (ça) ba Mari Alkatiri (MA) ho
Alfredo Reinado (AR) la hanesan

Mari Alkatiri (MA) ho Alfredo Reinado (AR), sira nain
rua ne´e sai hanesan «personagem» central iha hakerek
ne´e, tamba sira nain rua ho sira seluk sai hanesan
protogonista iha krise politika militar nebe´e maka
afekta ba Timor LoroSae (Leste) iha fulan Abril no
Maio tinan 2006. Iha hakerek ne´e hare witoan oinsa
maka Justisa (ça) ka Poder Judicial (PJ) ninia
atuasaun ba «personagem» nain rua ne´e.
1. Oinsa maka mosu no hahu krise politika militar?
Nudar PM,saida maka sr.eis-PM MA ninia jestaun ba ba
resolve krise Politika-Militar, foti medidas hodi
resolve Problemas militares sira nian? Lian F-FDTL
nian laos buat foun ida.Waihira mosu krise iha
Lospalos no konfronto iha Becora entre F-FDTl ho PNTL,
Prezidente Republika harii komisaun hodi halo
investigasaun,iha rekomendasaun komisaun ne´e nian ba
Governo atu resolve problemas nebe´e maka mosu iha
F-FDTL nia laran,se la resolve buat ne´e dait,maibe
iha tina hirak ne´e nia laran la hatene se PM ho MD
buka solusaun ruma ba resolve ka lae.Se iha esforsu ba
resolve klaru krise F-FDTL Petisaun sei la dait naruk
to´o krise politika militar. Maibe iha tendencia maka
ne´e «Oinsa maka politiza F-FDTL».Tuir ICG
(International Crises Groups) nian katak:« PM MA tau
MD RR maka besik ba hierarqui F-FDTL nian,ho misaun
oinsa maka politiza no influência F-FDTL(ICG,Outubro
2006)». Politiza F-FDTL ne´e kontra kuelker lei ka
ukun Fuan rai demokratikus sira iha mundu rai
klaran,mos iha KRDTL (Konstituisaun RDTL) nian mos
defini ona katak«F-FDTL ne´e forsa
suprapartidaria»,siknifika la bele halo servisu ba
favor ba Partido A ka B. MA ninia atuasaun sira ne´e,
nem Tribunal ka nem Ministeriu Publiku mos hase ka fo
netik saran ruma ne la los ka la tuir Ukun Fuan Inan
RDTL nian, maibe Sistema Justisa Timor LoroSae (SJTL)
nian MA maka domina tamba sira importa Juizes sira
husi CPLP.

2. Oinsa maka sr.Admite Brigadeiro Taur Matan
Ruak,expulso 600 Militares F-FDTL (1/3 efectivo
F-FDTL), sira husi distritu sanulu (10) loromono nian.
Sr. MA ninia atitude maka ne: Ida (2);fingi la hatene
buat ida ka maka hakarak ignora tiha realidade ida ne.
Rua (2); Sr. Viola rasik KRDTL,tamba husi Sr. Taur
Matan Ruak «expulso F-FDTL Petisaun», la tetu konaba
ninia konsekuensia politika i social ba Rai Timor
LoroSae. Maibe iha KRDTL rasik hakerek katak«Lei ka
Regulamentu hotu-hotu la kontraria ho KRDTL»,se
detekta iha «anomalia»ruma ne´e konsidere
«Inkonstitucional». Maibe SJTL nian mos la aprecia
kasu ida ne´e waihira F-FDTL petisaun sira hatou sira
nia petisaun,buat hotu husi liu deit tamba tau ba
«Poder politiku karik mos ita la hatene». Hatudu momos
katak Tribunal Rekursus ho Ministeriu Publiku ne´e
joga ba MA ninia interesse.


3.Oinsa maka sr.husi desrespeitu ba KRDTL nian,tamba
PR maka komandante supremo F-FDTL,aproveite PR visita
ba liur hodi expulso F-FDTL Petisaun?Tansaida maka
sr.Eis-PM MA husik liu deit atitude Hirarquia F-FDTL
nian,interpretasaun maka ne: Ida (1); Sr.MA konkorda
ho atu ida ne ka MA maka haruka hierarquia F-FDTL hola
decisaun ne´e. Tamba iha deklarasaun nebe´e maka MA
halo hodi hatan ba atitude Hierarqui F-FDTL nian maka
ne´e:«Buka rekrut fali F-FDTL Foun (TP,20/03/2006)».
Rua (2), fila fali ba deklarasaun nebe´e sr.MA nian
katak "Fretilin maka bele kria estabilidade mos bele
destroe estabilidade". Tuir Francisco Cepeda,militan
FRETILIN hakerek iha STL:"MA hatene katak só FRETILIN
ho F-FDTL deit maka bele kria estabelidade i destroe
("in", STL,03/10/2006)".

4.Oinsa maka Sr.autoriza F-FDTL ba toma konta
segurança nebe tuir KRDTL ne kompetencia PNTL nian? De
faktu Sr.MA autoriza «Forças Armadas», tuir KRDTL ne´e
viola rasik ita nia Ukun Fuan Inan (UFI),tamba: F-FDTL
atua iha momentu nebe´e konsidere «emergência», ka
situasaun «grave liu ona» hafoin PR husu F-FDTL ba
tulun PNTL fo Seguransa. Maibe Sr.MA ignora tiha poder
nebe´e KRDTL rasik atribui ba PR hodi husu tulun husi
F-FDTL ba fo «seguransa». Maibe SJTL nian hare ba atu
ida ne´e baibain hela no kala tuir duni Lei ka UFI TL.


5.Oinsa sr. MA autoriza F-FDTL ba tiru manifestantes
sira iha loron 28/04/2006,nebe tuir KRDTL katak
intervensaun F-FDTL kuandu iha situasaun «emergência»
mas autorizasaun ka deklarasaun ne husi PR nudar
komandante supremo F-FDTL. Komandante PM,Major Alfredo
Reinado hatene ida ne´e tamba nia maka akompanya
CEM,F-FDTL,Kolonel Lere Anan Timor no eis-MD ba simu
ordem husi Sr-MA hodi atua. Husi kasu ne´e maka mosu
«Krise Politika Militar».

6. Sunu mate familia ida iha Uma laran (24/05/2006) no
Tiru Mate PNTL nain 10 no kanek besik 30 (25/05/2006).
Akontesimentu tragicos sira mos resulta husi «jestaun
ba krise politika militar nebe´e PM MA ninia
decisaun»,ne´e relaciona direktamente ho ninia
decisaun. Oinsa maka SJTL nian husi MA livre no
arquivo tiha ninia processo?

7. Fahe Kilat ba Emar Civil (FKC), ne´e tuir KRDTL
ne´e kontra no tuir Kodiku Penal rai nebe deit ne
krimi. Eis-PM MA ninia Eis-MI RTL Tribunal Dili
kondena hetan «Pena» tinan 7 fulan 6 maibe Sr.MA ne´e
ninia envolvimentu ne´e MP Timor nian arquivo tiha.

Alfredo Reinado (AR) ninia envolvimentu iha pontus
balun maka haruka SJTL nian konsidere nia hanesan
«persona non grata », maibe AR ne´e hanesan «desafio»
bot ba Poder Politika no Poder Judicial Timor LoroSae
(Leste) ninia atuasaun ba problemas sira
hanesan:Deskriminasaun iha Instituisaun F-FDTL nia
laran, tendencia ba «apropriação do serviço de Estado»
husi material no judicial,lia los,no sst. Poder
Politiku (PP) no Poder Judicial (PJ) Timor LoroSae
nian akusa AR tamba hahalok sira tuir mai ne´e: AR nia
sala tamba nia maka komanda ataka iha loron
22/05/2006?

1. Aksaun nebe´e Major AR halo iha loron 22/05/2006
ne´e hanesan «resposta» ka hatan ba decisaun nebe´e
maka Eis-PM MA bolu F-FDTL ba atua kontra
manifestantes sira iha loron 28 Fulan Abril tinan 2006
iha Raikotu no Taci Tolu. Nebe´e tuir Cefe Estado
Maior (CEM) F-FDTL nian Lere Anan Timor dehan ba STL
katak "F-FDTL gasta kartus musun 500 ho resin no
granadas 3 (STL,16/04)". Atuasaun F-FDTL nian tamba
sira simu ordem husi Eis-PM MA. Neduni logika ba
atuasaun Major Alfredo iha loron 22/05/2006 hanesan
hatan ba autorizasaun nebe´e maka Eis-PM MA liu husi
ninia decisuan: Ida (1),Haruka F-FDTL ba atua kontra
manifestantes (F-FDTL Petisaun no apoiantes )sira iha
Rai Kotu no Taci Tolu. Rua (2), Eis-PM maka autoriza
F_FDTL ba atua hodi fo seguransa no desautoriza PNTL
nebe´e iha knar nudar «Força de segurança».
Konsekuencia husi Eis-PM ninia decisaun maka lori
Timor LoroSae ba krise Politika militar nebe´e afekta
to´o ohin loron. Se hare husi «análise causa e
efeito»,neduni Atuasaun Major AR hanesan «efeito» husi
decisaun nebe´e eis-PM MA nian tamba ninia decisaun
maka «Causa» ka akibat. De fakto Poder Judicial ninia
atuasaun ne´e hanesan halo deskriminasaun,husik MA
tamba nia ne´e Fundador ASDT/FRETILIN,nia ne´e Eis-PM
no nia ne´e uluk funu iha Frente Diplomatika. Maibe
halo preseguisaun liu husi ordem Judicial nian ba
Major AR. SJTL ninia hahalok hatudu lolos katak
"Justisa ba ema kiik deit,embot sira ka bayno sira
ne´e hamrik iha Justisa nia leten".

2. AR nia sala tamba nia maka tau kilat iha Uma?
Tuir akordo nebe´e maka Governo PM José Ramos Horta
(JRH) ho Governo Australia nian halo hodi prende kilat
sira nebe´e maka emar civil sira maka kaer iha krise
politika militar nia laran. Tamba ho argumentu ida
ne´e maka autoridade sira hodi ba kaer AR ho ninia
membros sira iha uma sira hela fatin. Maibe AR ho nia
grupos maka hatama entrega uluk Kilat iha Maubisse ba
Força Australia nian. Data limite ba entrega kilat
tuir akordo husi Governo rua (Timor LoroSae ho
Australia) maka 25 Julho 2006. Maibe tuir versaun
autoridade sira katak AR rai kilat iha uma, maibe tuir
versaun AR sira katak sira entrega ona kilat iha
Maubisse,nusa maka teki-teki deit kilat mosu iha uma
laran,ida ne´e mos to´o oras ne´e dadaun seidauk
explika lolos. Maibe hahalok ba kaer ne´e hanesa los
deit uluk SGI/Kopassus waihira hakarak kaer emar sira
nebe´e sira deskonfia iha ligasaun ka servisu
Clandestina,uluk liu sira ba soe hela kilat iha uma
laran hafoin waihira sira tama revista hetan kilat iha
uma laran,nune sira bele kaer ba kadeia. Maibe
autoridade sira mos foin hetan kilat ka iha Eis-PM MA
nia uma iha fulan Agosto laran tinan 2006
(STL,01/08/2006). Tuir eis-PM MA nian katak "Nia
sempre komunika ba MI,Alcino Barris konaba kilat sira
nebe´e maka iha nia uma laran (Lusa,01/08/2006)".
Problema maka ne: Prazu konaba prende kilat iha civil
nia liman liu ona,nusa maka Força Australia foin ba
foti kilat iha MA nia uma iha fulan Agosto laran?Iha
ne´e hatudu lolos deit Poder Judicial Timor ninia
atuasaun favor deit ba embot sira maibe emar kiik sira
tenke halo nafatin preseguisaun.
Preseguisaun sira ne´e maka halo krise ne´e naruk ba
bei-beik no AR hetan nafatin tulun ka suport husi
populsaun.Nusa maka besik ona fulan ida Força In
ternacional (FI) liliu Australia ho New Zeland seidauk
kaer deit AR.Ida tan sira hetan reforsu husi SAS
(unidade elites)Australia nian,nebe´e tuir
especialista internacionais iha Politika Militar katak
«Um dos melhores do mundo». Hare husi estrategia
Militar nian, operasaun nebe´e maka FI halo iha Same
ne´e «derrota bot ida»,ba FI sira nebe´e halo
operasaun ho meius mesak sufistikadus deit no hetan
reforsu husi SAS,maibe la konsegue atingi sira nia
objektivu. Derrota seluk, ba autoridade nasional Timor
nian,ba Governo José Ramos Horta, ba Prezidente
Republika, ba Poder Judicial no Parlamento Nasional,
tamba sira la konsegue resolve problemas ninia hun no
abut,maibe sira buka tesi maka lia ne´e nia dikin
(http://www.forum-haksesuk .blogspot.com).

3. Ba hadau kilat iha PNTL Fronteira,Salele ho Tunu
Bibi. Kasu ne´e mos buka hare didiak. Tuir autoridade
Soberano Nasional Timor LoroSae nian katak "AR ho
ninia emar ba hadau kilat", tan ne´e maka Prezidente
RDTL ho hetan tulun husi Conselho Segurança e Defesa
Nacional (CSDN) hodi fo mandatu ba FI ba prende ka
kaer nia iha Same. Iha ne´e ita husu lian litik ba
autoridade nasional sira maka ne´e:Tansa maka AR sira
hola decisaun ida extremo hanesan ne´e?Keta sira mos
«pasciência»iha limite,tamba iha fulan hirak ne´e nia
laran Autoridade nasional (Governo,Prezidente
Republika,Parlamento no Ministeriu Publiku) halo buat
ruma ka iha esforsu ruma hodi ba resolve problemas
sira nebe´e mosu no dait to´o krise ne´e sai naruk?Ka
autoridade nasional sira uja deit AR no F-FDTL
Petisaun hodi hatun malu,depois «marginaliza »deit
sira?Se hatan hau nia lian litik sira ne´e hafoin bele
kompreende tansa maka sira ba hadau ka foti kilat husi
PNTL iha Fronteira. Ida tan, komandante PNTL iha
Fronteira mos buka investiga,tansa maka husik AR ho
ninia grupos ba foti deit kilat ka fo deit kilat?Se
PNTL iha Tunu Bibi ho Salele la kontra AR tamba sira
mos «envolve»iha jogada ruma maka koresponde ba
interesse jogo poder iha Dili.

Neduni Poder Judicial (MP ho Justisa) atu iha
kredibilidade maka ne´e: Labele deskriminasaun iha
sira ninia atuasaun,MA ho AR tenke tau iha dasin
hanesan,se PJ halo preseguisaun ba AR no arquivo tiha
MA ninia responsabilidade moral i intelektual iha
krise politika militar ne´e, neduni AR mos sei dificil
atu hetan no sei mosu tan Alfredo reinado sira seluk.
Poder Judicial (PJ) ka Justisa ninia autuasaun ne´e
halis liu ba embot sira no halo preseguisaun ba emar
kiik sira. AR ne´e exemplo ida, nebe´e hatudu katak
SJTL nian ne´e serbisu ba «grupos de interesse».

*António Ramos Naikoli,Timor Oan Hela iha
Lisboa,Portugal!

Friday, March 23, 2007

E Timor election campaign kicks off

E Timor election campaign kicks off

The United Nations says campaigning for East Timor's April 9 presidential election has officially got under way, with Prime Minister and Nobel laureate Jose Ramos-Horta seen as favourite to win.

Eight candidates are standing in what will be the country's first presidential poll since it declared independence in 2002 after 24 years of occupation by Indonesia.

Thousands of police officers have been mobilised, partly to secure polling stations and ballot boxes amid fears of unrest, with rebel leader Alfredo Reinado still at large.

Dr Ramos-Horta, who was an exiled spokesman for the resistance movement during occupation, says East Timor is still a fragile nation.

"It's institutions are still weak, poverty is still widespread, justice has not yet been served," he said in the capital, Dili.

The head of the UN mission in East Timor, Atul Khare, says campaigning can begin after a generally peaceful voter-registration process.

He says it is essential the campaign is carried out "freely, fairly and without violence, without intimidation and without misuse of state resources".

The candidates seeking to replace incumbent President Xanana Gusmao, who is not standing, have signed a code of conduct designed to ensure the election is fair and peaceful.

East Timor chose self-determination in a UN-administered referendum in 1999 but a wave of violence and destruction swept over it soon after.

Last year, at least 37 people were killed and 150,000 were forced to flee in widespread unrest that led to the dispatch of an Australian-led international peacekeeping force.

- AFP

Thursday, March 22, 2007

Longing for Indonesia in Timor


25 years ago


Longing for Indonesia in Timor
Tuesday, March 20, 2007
Against the backdrop of eight years of uncertainty and violence, some East Timorese are wondering whether life under Indonesian rule was really that bad, reports Paul Toohey.
Most young-to-middle-aged East Timorese don't just speak Indonesian. They think Indonesian. That's because for a long time there they were Indonesian. Given what has happened since 1999, the mess that is East Timor - a mess that is only getting worse - it's time to think dark thoughts and wonder if the people would have been better off never being liberated at all.

This might seem outrageous to outsiders who imagine nothing could be worse than being under the Indonesian jackboot. But it is something East Timorese wonder all the time.

Go to an East Timorese home on sunset. They're not watching ABC's into-Asia service. Nor are they watching Portuguese television - even though their leaders would prefer they did. In an absurdly bloody-minded decision, those who had exiled themselves during the Indonesian occupation and went to live in Portuguese-speaking places like Mozambique, Angola and Portugal, came home after 1999, took power and imposed Portuguese as the official language.

But everyone's still speaking Indonesian - and they're watching Indonesian TV. They pool their resources, buy $200 satellite dishes, hang leads off in every direction, and then small communities can make sure they never miss "Bawang Merah Bawang Putih", which roughly translates as "onion garlic". It's one of Indonesia's most popular soap operas and is a modern working over of an old Malay fable about a good sister and her evil twin.

It's strange how the life of two spunky Jakarta girls could mean so much to the East Timorese. But look what's happened since 1999, and even in recent weeks, as trouble simmers and sometimes explodes in Dili. Dozens of East Timorese have been arrested crossing the border into Indonesian-run West Timor. Why did they go to Indonesia? For safety.

When Dili-based people - expats or wealthier Timorese - need a break, or to do some shopping, they don't fly to Darwin. They go to Kupang, or Jakarta. The East Timorese feel perfectly at ease with Indonesians.

Some commentators have said that after the Australian-led Interfet liberation of 1999, Indonesian politicians are laughing hard at Australia for taking on such a basket case. Whether they are really rolling in the aisles slapping their thighs is doubtful. But Indonesia must be glad to have washed their hands of the joint, and are certainly watching unsurprised as Australia digs itself into a hole in Timor.

China, which has no troop commitment in East Timor, has plans to build the Timorese a great presidential palace in Dili central; the Portuguese have almost completed a spectacular presidential residence in the hills above Dili. While they scavenge for hearts and minds, and snuggle up close to the leaders of the tiny oil-rich country, Australia is left paying the security bills.

After 1999, it was common to hear East Timorese express a sentiment along these lines: "Even though we are poorer now, at least we don't live in fear of Indonesia." That's out the window. Now they live in fear of themselves.

Indonesia built the East Timorese road system (which has since fallen into chronic disrepair after 1999). East Timorese - as Indonesians - received free tertiary education and a stipend to live outside Timor and attend university. Deposed Prime Minister Mari Alkatiri once referred to the degree East Timorese got in Jakarta as "Super Mie degrees", in a disparaging reference to the instant noodle brand.

Maybe so, but East Timorese still want to - and those lucky enough do - attend universities in Indonesia. This might mean that upon return to East Timor, waving their Super Mie degree, they are denied jobs in the civil service, because they don't speak the required Portuguese. But the affection, the contact, the very nature of the people remains inextricably tied to Indonesia.

As their country stagnates and indolent youths turn on each other, East Timorese are now wondering whether they would have been better off going for autonomy, Aceh-style, rather than for the full independence they overwhelmingly voted for at the 1999 referendum. But at that time they were fully entitled to believe in the possibilities of independence. They were caught up in the idea of freedom, and freedom-loving peoples around the world cheered for them. It seemed such a great thing. Eight years on, freedom has given them nothing but trouble.

Sansao Gomes, 24, a law student whose studies have been put on hold by the inertia wracking his country, is typical of many East Timorese in that he had to flee to the hills during the Indonesian-backed militia rampages of 1999. You think he'd just hate Indonesians; but remember, those deadly militias he ran from were East Timorese people. Last year, his house was ransacked - not by Indonesians, but by East Timorese who were once his neighbours.

"Under Indonesian rule, most in civilian society had a free life," says Gomes. "We did not hate civilians from Indonesia, like Javanese and Balinese. At that time we only fought for independence because many people thought that when we have independence everything will be better for people's life. And at that time we only hate the [Indonesian] army invasions and those who made our Timorese brothers to become militias and fight against one another.

"Thousands of Timorese were educated under Indonesian education systems which was better than the only hundreds of Timorese who were educated under Portuguese rule [pre-1975]."

Gomes doesn't say life was all good under Indonesia. "The actions of the Indonesian military intimidated many Timorese who expressed their aim to have self-determination; the military formed many Timorese to become militia by giving them money and properties. And in government administration, in Indonesian times, there was much corruption.

"But on my experience and knowledge, it is not only young people who express that life was better under Indonesia but also many old people. The reason is that when we fought for independence we wished our country would have better life for its people, but the fact is it is not happened all.

"Many political interests have intervened and caused us hate one another. We understand our country is new country so many things go wrong, but to make everything run we have to have one objective - like when we fought for independence.

"Most of our political leaders are fools, because they run the country in the wrong way. We love our independence as a country, and we cannot go back to Indonesia. All we have to do is remind our people to think the same in one way."

Indonesia wouldn't have East Timor back even if it came begging. But as the price of electricity skyrockets in Dili, as mobile phones (there is no landline system) become too costly to use, as fuel hits $US1 per litre, and people remember how schooling was so cheap under the Indonesians, and how every village had a clinic, the 24 years of sometimes brutal Indonesian rule is being reassessed against this backdrop: was my country stable? Were my children educated? Did I have enough food? Did I see hope? The answer to these questions is yes.

In this week's issue of The Bulletin magazine, on sale from Wednesday, read Toohey's report on the murders of three Timorese women branded as sorcerers.
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BUSINESS
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LIVING MEMORY
25 YEARS AGO: From Dili with damnation

Tuesday, March 20, 2007

Catatan Lanjutan Dari Kasus Same (1) Korban Tentara Pengepung Lebih Banyak

Catatan Lanjutan Dari Kasus Same (1) Korban Tentara Pengepung Lebih Banyak


HINGGA kini masih simpang siur soal korban yang tewas dalam aksi penyerangan bersenjata tentara Australia terhadap kelompok Major Alfredo Alves Reinado di Kompleks Pousada, pusat Kota Same, Manufahi, Minggu (4/3) dinihari.
Dari kelompok Alfredo, Komandan Pasukan Internasional (Australia) Brigadir Jenderal Mal Rerden mengumumkan bahwa, pasukannya berhasil menembak mati empat anggota Alfredo, dan satu orang terluka (Nixon) yang kini sudah mendekam di LP Becora.

Pengumuman itu disiarkan berulang-ulang oleh radio-radio siaran di Darwin Australia. Tapi juga memberitarakan korban di pihak tentara Australia dengan mengutip sumber-sumber tidak resmi di Kota Same.

Tentang hal ini warga Timor Leste tidak tahu karena tidak ada pemberitahuan resmi dari pihak berwenang, nota bene dari pusat komando tentara Australia di Timor Leste.

Boleh percaya boleh juga tidak. Informasi-informasi yang tersebar secara tidak teratur di Kota Same menyebutkan, jumlah korban tewas dalam serangan bersenjata awal Maret lalu itu, lebih banyak dialami tentara Australia.

Seorang saksi mata yang enggan menyebutkan namanya mengatakan, korban tentara pengepung sekitar 11 orang. Dari jumlah ini, 10 tewas ditempat kejadian, satu luka parah dan langsung diterbangkan ke Australia, namun nyawanya tidak tertolong.

Ketika matahari meninggi di ufuk timur, seorang warga menemukan kaca hitam night vision yang dipakai tentara saat memulai serangan dinihari dan sejumlah perlengkapan tentara. Karena itulah, tutur sejumlah sumber yang ditemui di Kota Same, tentara Australia secara emosional melakukan sweeping dari rumah ke rumah untuk mencari Alfredo.

Bahkan sampai masuk ke dalam rumah adat mengobrak-abrik semua benda-benda sacral yang berada di dalamnya. Aksi lain misalnya, atap rumah adat Babulo rusak parah ketika sebuah helikopter mendarat dekat di rumah adat tersebut.

Semua tindakan tersebut dilakukan tentara Australia untuk menangkap Mayor Alfredo dan anggota-anggotanya, mereka mencuriga warga Same menyebunyikan Alfredo. Namun semua sia-sia karena tidak ada yang mengakui mengenal Mayor Alfredo.

Rupanya tentara Australia kurang gesit merekam keberadaan Alfredo saat itu. Meski mengepung dan menyerang dengan peralatan militer serba canggih, seperti ketika Irak di kepung tentara multi-nasional pimpinan Amerika Serikat, Alfredo gagal dideteksi peralatan mereka.

Ada dua penyebab lolosnya Alfredo dari kepungan tentara. Pertama, kedengaran tidak logis tapi logis, bahwa beberapa saat sebelum melakukan pengepungan, tentara Australia sudah mendeteksi keberadaan Alfredo dengan peralatan radar perang canggih namun tidak tembus, karena sudah ditutup kekuatan Boa Ventura. Kedua, Alfredo dilindungi warga sipil yang bersimpati kepada dia sehingga berusaha menyelamatkan perwira F-FDTL itu.

Hubungan warga Same dengan Mayor Alfredo seperti sudah beranak pinak. Ketika dibombardir mesin perang canggih seperti Black Hawk, mereka bertahan bersama Alfredo. Pun tidak melakukan bentrok fisik dengan warga pendukung Lu-Olo dan Alkatiri, Cs. Mereka tetap tenang dan tetap bersatu dengan Alfredo untuk sama-sama memperjuangkan Keadilan dan Kebenaran dari krisis 2006 yang sengaja diciptakan pemerintahan Alkatiri. arc

Monday, March 19, 2007

Erro boot se konsidera Grupo Major Alfredo Reinado hanesan kriminozu no hatun mandato ba kaptura.

Erro boot se konsidera Grupo Major Alfredo Reinado hanesan kriminozu no hatun mandato ba kaptura.

Lian Dikin nebe envolve militares deskontentes ho sistema iha estado RDTL nian laran seidauk hatudu sinal atu kotu ka hetan solusaun nebe bele dada fila fali ba normalizasaun situasaun hodi povo ka populasaun iha Dili bele moris hakmatek. Autor ba hakerek ida ne'e nian haree katak lia ida nebe oras ne'e dadaun sai hanesan prioridade ba Forsas Internasionais husi aspeto seguransa interna no sai preokupasaun nebe hetan foku makaas husi orgauns soberanos Ministerio Publico ho Tribunais, PN no Governo mak Major Alfredo Reinado ho nian grupo.

Maibe autor haree lia ida ne'e hanesan LIA DIKIN ida nebe, bele se se deit mos sei la konsegue tesi, ao kontrario, lia dikin ida ne'e bele sai buras liu tan iha kurtu no mediu prazu. Lia Major Reinado ho nian grupo bele kotu so depende ba militares deskontentes sira mak hakarak halo kotu, ou se uza forsa atu hakotu lia tutun ida ne'e entaun Forças Internasionais sira oho halo moos populasoins hirak nebe sira nian is (neon) asosia hanesan ho militares deskontentes ho sistema sira ne'e, husi sorin ida.

Husi sorin seluk, Ministerio Publico mos presiza hatun mos kondenasaun ba populasaun ka akuza populasaun tomak nebe fo apoio ba Major Reinado ho nian grupo no tribunal halo julgamento massal ba povo. Tanba, oras ne'e Major Reinado ho nian grupo ho Povo kristalizadu sai hanesan "simbiosis-mutualis". Se orgauns soberanos sira, liu-liu orgauns kompetentes sira atu prosesa kazu Major Reinado konsegue hala'o hanesan temi iha leten entaun lia dikin ne'e bele tesi lalais. Se la konsegue halo ida ne'e no la'o tuir fali dalan seluk ka buka rezolve ho forsa no obriga Alfredo Reinado ho nian grupo entrega an hodi fo kastigu ba sira ne'e hanesan erro boot nebe orgauns kompetentes sira dala ruma halo iha Timor. Ohin loron Alfredo Reinado la'os ema simples major ida deit (hanesan PM konsidera-STL-red.), la'os simples komandante polisia militar revoltozu, la'os simples militar F-FDTL desertor lae.

Major Alfredo Reinado nian imajem sai tiha simbolu, simbolu la'os tanba nia Major Polisia Militar maibe simbolu ba ema barak, ferik-katuas, klosan-feto-raan, ema boot-ema ki'ik, ema hakerek la hatene-ema matenek, feto ka mane, ema marginalizadus no ekskluidus sira no jovens barak sira nian simbolu, sira nian lider. Basaa, Alfredo Reinado sai tiha ona inspirador ba kombate INJUSTISA no ema ida nebe aten brani hasoru sistema manipulador sistematiku iha Nação Timor nian laran. Nia la'os ema politiku nebe bele kria oportunidade ba nian karreira politika husi nian aktu ne'e, nia mos la'os jeneral forsas armadas nian nebe bele konduz hamosu golpe de estado iha Nação RDTL.

Maibe nia apenas soldado ida nebe pronto atu mate defende povo terus na'in sira no sidadaun ida nebe hakarak ezerse ninian direito ajir-reajir harii no hahii justisa nebe sai hanesan pilar (uma rin) ba Nação Tmor-Leste soberano no Independente. Alfredo Reinado mos hakarak atu povo la bele atan ba bebeik ba ema politikus sira nian hahalok. Konsidera Alfredo Reinado ho nian grupo kriminozu ne'e erro ka sala mortal nebe sei bele selu karun, selu ho mate. Tanba desde ninian revolta iha Maio 2006, Timor oan sira hotu hatene Alfredo Reinado nian pozisaun tanba sa. Pozisaun ida nebe nia (AR) ho nian grupo sei la muda nem pasu ida ba kotuk, bainhira Lia Fukun no Lia Abut krize ida ne'e la tesi.

Se Major Reinado ohin loron ema barak tuir nia ne'e la'os tanba nia kolen iha funu liu ba ka nia heroi iha funu kontra okupasaun liu ba lae, nia mosu iha fulan Maio tinan kotuk atu funu hasoru sistema nebe la los, atu funu hasoru injustisa, atu funu hasoru ukun na'in sira nebe buka manipula povo, mosu atu funu hasoru autoridades ukun na'in sira nebe la respeita konstituisaun, atu funu hasoru ukun na'in sira nebe abuza lejitimidade no poder nebe povo terus na'in sira fo. Alfredo Reinado la'os ema kriminozu, neduni la iha razaun atu Forsas Internasionais hatun mandato de kaptura ba nia ho nian grupo nem tribunal ida iha direito atu hatun mandato de kaptura.

Neduni, se hakarak hakotu lia dikin Major Reinado ho nian grupo nian, autor husu ba orgauns soberanos RDTL sira atu la bele fomenta desizaun mandatu de kaptura ba Major Reinado ho nian grupo. Tanba se koloka militares deskontentes sira ne'e hanesan kriminozu entaun sei komete erros graves nebe la sustenta solusaun ba LIA FUKUN, sei aumenta tan deit lia nebe bele hamosu problemas selu-seluk. Karik iha kriminozu iha ukun an ida ne'e nian laran no tanba kriminozu sira ne'e mak mosu krize ida ne'e, kriminozus sira ne'e la'os mak Major Alfredo Reinado ho nian grupo maibe ema kriminozu sira ne'e mak autor konyese hanesan mos Povo Timor-Leste konyese dadaun iha sosiedade nian leet. Karik iha ema ruma hateten Major Reinado ho nian grupo komete ona krime ruma mak ema sira ne'e halo krime dala barak liu ona, maibe se mak hakarak haree tuir lia los nia sei hatudu sira nian liman ba los ema kriminozu mak ida neba ka ida nemai no sei la dun matak ema leet.

Orgauns soberanos hanesan Ministerio Publico mos dala barak hala'o funsaun karikata, katak la hatur an hanesan orgaun independente, soberano nebe konsistente. Responsavel PGR la bele sai fali hanesan agente servisu seguransa (mediador-red), hanesan hatudu iha biban liu ba Dr. Longuinhos Monteiro sai fali negosiador frakasadu nebe la dignifika estatutu Ministerio Publico. Akontesimentu ida nebe autor la iha duvida atu halo komparasaun ho konferensia das Lajes iha Açores entre Presidente America George W. Bush ho nian aliados auropeus. Diferensa iha teknika konferensia ne'e deit, katak iha Lajes, Presidente George W Bush buka konvense nian aliados sira ho argumento katak Saddam Hussein iha armamentu destruisaun massissa, no la iha tan dialogo ho regime Sadam Hussein hodi deklara funu hasoru regime Irak nian. Enkuantu iha Same, PGR ba hasoru Major Reinado atu hato'o ba Major Reinado hodi rende, se la rende hodi entrega an ba justisa mak PGR sei fo apoio ba komandus australianos sira ataka no halo invazaun ba Knua Histórika Same no destroi D. Boaventura nian
knu'uk. Ho razaun katak meios negosiasaun hotu esgotadu ona, nebe PGR mak sai hanesan ultimo rekursu, situasaun ida nebe la'os kontribui hodi resolve problema maibe haruka ema estranjeirus sira oho mate Timor oan sira iha ukun an nian laran.

Victor Tavares – Cidadão hela iha Porto-Portugal

A causa de Timor e a decepção nacional

Subject: DN_Artigo de Opinião_Sábado_ 17Março2007
Date: Sun, 18 Mar 2007 11:11:33 +0000 (GMT)

A causa de Timor e a decepção nacional


Francisco Sarsfield Cabral
Jornalista

Custa-nos a aceitar a possibilidade de Timor-Leste
vir a revelar-se um Estado falhado. Fizemos um enorme
investimento afectivo na luta dos timorenses contra a
ocupação indonésia, iniciada em 1975. A causa da
libertação de Timor uniu os portugueses como raras
vezes se viu.

Foi uma emoção barata, com
certeza. A causa timorense pouco exigiu da maioria dos
portugueses. Mas foi uma emoção real, contrastando com
a frieza e até indiferença com que o País assistiu, há
30 e tal anos, ao fim do império colonial.

Em 1975 a atitude portuguesa contribuíra para
desencadear a invasão indonésia. E, uma vez afastados
os indonésios, talvez nos tenhamos precipitado a
empurrar Timor para a independência. Além de que
devíamos ter exigido das Nações Unidas uma presença
mais
forte e prolongada no território.

Quanto à marca cultural que deixámos em Timor, dá
que pensar a recente lamentação da Ramos-Horta de que
os critérios ocidentais de justiça têm dificultado o
combate ao crime naquele país, porque os tribunais
libertam os de-sordeiros presos pela polícia.

Será que o primeiro-ministro timorense também
defende os "valores asiáticos" contra os direitos
humanos, como outros políticos da região?

Mas Timor surgiu como a possibilidade de redimir uma
descolonização que correu mal. Ainda hoje se discute
se poderia ter sido de outra maneira, depois de
décadas de teimosia colonialista. Por mim, duvido que,
após Abril de 1974, a descolonização pudesse ter sido
muito diferente.

A revolução teve na sua raiz a insatisfação dos
militares com as guerras em África, que o poder
político se mostrava incapaz de resolver - e de cujo
impasse eles, militares, seriam também acusados. E os
militares eram os grandes prejudicados, em termos
pessoais e profissionais, por essas guerras sem fim à
vista.

A 26 de Abril de 1974 já várias forças portuguesas
em África consideravam terminada a guerra e
confraternizavam com os até aí inimigos.
Desmantelado o exército português nas colónias
africanas, como seria possível uma negociação
equilibrada de Lisboa com os guerrilheiros?

Com a excepção de Cabo Verde e talvez São Tomé, a
rápida saída dos portugueses das antigas colónias
representou uma tragédia para aqueles povos. Guerras
civis em Angola e Moçambique, permanente agitação na
Guiné. Ora salvar os timorenses da opressão da
Indonésia podia lavar essa culpa escondida no
inconsciente nacional.

E, de facto, David venceu Golias. A anexação de
Timor pela Indonésia era, nos anos 90, encarada por
muita gente como facto consumado e irreversível. Não
faltaram inteligentes análises mostrando como jamais
os Estados Unidos (que tinham dado luz verde à
ocupação indonésia) permitiriam a independência de
Timor, por razões geostratégicas.

Afinal, Timor libertou-se dos indonésios, com a
ajuda diplomática de Portugal. Foi a finest hour do
Governo de
Guterres e, porventura, também da Presidência de Jorge
Sampaio.

Mas a paixão portuguesa pela causa de Timor teve o
seu preço. Desde logo, levou a nossa comunicação
social, com raras excepções, a prescindir da
necessária distância, da investigação jornalística
séria e do espírito crítico. Preferiu envolver-se na
defesa ardente da independência de Timor.

Em parte por causa desse jornalismo comprometido,
"de causas", ainda hoje em Portugal se desconhecem
muitas realidades timorenses. Timor fica longe, tem
uma população de cuja diversidade étnica e cultural
mal nos apercebemos e vive ao lado da grande Indonésia
e da não menos poderosa Austrália. O interesse
australiano pelo petróleo no mar de Timor é um factor
essencial nos actuais problemas timorenses.

Virão a confirmar-se os receios de que, depois da
ocupação indonésia, Timor
sofrerá uma colonização australiana? Parece claro que
Camberra apoiou Xanana Gusmão e Ramos-Horta contra
Mari Alkatiri e a Fretilin, naquilo que foi um claro
golpe de Estado. Mas o episódio da falhada captura do
rebelde Alfredo Reinado deixa algumas perplexidades.

Agora, Portugal pouco pode fazer. Temos em Timor um
contingente da GNR que é apreciado pela população
local e nos prestigia. Já é alguma consolação. Seja
como for, apetece pedir aos timorenses que não
estraguem uma das poucas coisas de que, em matéria de
descolonização, os portugueses podiam lembrar-se com
satisfação. Desde logo, pedir-lhes um clima de paz e
espírito democrático nas próximas eleições
presidenciais.

Saturday, March 17, 2007

AP Interview: East Timorese prime minister says tough challenges ahead for new government

The Associated Press
Published: March 13, 2007

DILI, East Timor: Jose Ramos-Horta, who won a Nobel Peace Prize for helping East Timor obtain independence and is now running for president, vowed Tuesday to bring more prosperity to the crisis-wracked nation, but warned that progress would not be easy.

Ramos-Horta was installed as prime minister last year when the tiny country's first post-independence government collapsed following an army mutiny and street violence that killed 37 people and saw the return of peacekeeping troops.

He said in an interview with The Associated Press that grave problems remained, but "not to the extent that some pessimists paint — that this is a failing state or the country is in civil war."

"I think we avoided a civil war," he said, even as gangs clashed in the capital Dili, killing one youth and setting houses on fire.

Ramos-Horta said the years ahead are likely to be tougher than those since East Timor voted to end 24 years of Indonesian rule in a 1999 U.N.-sponsored referendum "because of the crisis that we have had for almost the last 12 months."

"The people will be less forgiving because they've been waiting for more than five years now for the fruits of independence and ... there is a lot of disagreement with the leadership," he said.

Following East Timor's independence break, vengeful Indonesian troops and militiamen killed hundreds of people and torched much of the nation's infrastructure before foreign troops arrived to restore order.

Ramos-Horta was the public face of the East Timorese resistance movement at the United Nations during Indonesian occupation. He was foreign minister before becoming prime minister in July.

He said the next government would bring increased wealth to the country's 900,000 people, who remain among the poorest in Asia.

"Although we have much more money, we have to deliver much faster," he said, referring to an expected infusion of cash from offshore oil and gas reserves.

Some fear that next month's presidential election could spark fresh violence in the country, which is tense amid an ongoing Australian military operation to capture fugitive soldier Alfredo Reinado, who is linked to last year's unrest and outbreaks of gang violence.

Brig. Mal Rerner, the commander of Australian troops who killed five rebel soldiers last week in a failed bid to capture Reinado, said Tuesday the fugitive's arrest before the April 9 election was a high priority.

"We will do everything to ensure a secure environment is maintained for the election period," Rerner told reporters.

A defiant Reinado told Australian Broadcasting Corp. television Tuesday in an interview recorded at a secret location that he would never surrender.

Gang fighting exacerbated by the crisis has continued despite the heavy security presence.

Young man clashed in a trouble-plagued village on Dili's fringe Tuesday, with one gangster stabbed to death and another six seriously injured, Dili hospital spokesman Americo dos Santos said.

Five houses were also torched in the street battle, which local residents say has become a daily event. International security forces reported 20 arrests.

Ramos-Horta is regarded as a front runner in the field of eight presidential candidates.

President Xanana Gusmao, a close ally of Ramos-Horta and the leader of the country's armed resistance to Indonesian rule, is not running for re-election.

But there is speculation he might form a political party to contest parliamentary elections later this year that could see him becoming prime minister, a more powerful post than the largely ceremonial role of president.

Friday, March 16, 2007

The eight candidates contesting East Timor's presidential poll have signed a code of conduct designed to ensure the vote is fair and peaceful.

Last Updated 17/03/2007, 13:05:59
Select text size:


The eight candidates contesting East Timor's presidential poll have signed a code of conduct designed to ensure the vote is fair and peaceful.

The presidential election on April the 9th will be East Timor's first since it achieved independence in 2002, but there are concerns it could trigger unrest.

The code commits the eight candidates to respect the poll's result or challenge it in appropriate courts.

The signing ceremony was witnessed by the head of the UN mission in East Timor.

Concern for the poll security centres partly on fugitive soldier Major Alfredo Reinado, who is being hunted by Australian troops from the international peacekeeping force.

Tuesday, March 13, 2007

Horta: Partidu CNRT Importante Ba Nasaun

Horta: Partidu CNRT Importante Ba Nasaun

DILI – Partidu Congressu Nasional Rekonstrusaun
Timoerense (CNRT) nebee atu hari iha tempu badak nia
laran, sei lidera husi atual Prezidenti Republika
Xanana Gusmão sei hetan suporta makaas husi veteranus
sira inkluindu kandidatu Prezidenti Republika Jose
Ramos Horta.
PM Horta hatete, karik Xanana Gusmão hakarak husik
kargu Prezidenti Republika hodi buka Parlamentu
Nasional no Governu, nee importante duni. “Se
Prezidenti soe kargu Prezidensial hodi buka Parlamentu
Nasional no Governu hau fiar, nee importante ba
nasaun,” hatete PM Jose Ramos Horta ba STL iha nia
servisu fatin foin dadauk nee.

Nia dehan, Timor Leste hetan ukun rasik aan, tanba
esforsu makaas husi Xanana Gusmão. Tanba, vizauan
Xanana hodi hamoris no kaer rezistensia iha 1981 para
hatudu dalan ba povu. Neduni, rezistensia sai naran
boot iha Indonesia nomos mundu tomak.

Tuir Horta, iha TL laiha ema ida mak konhese povu
nasaun nee hanesan Xanana Gusmão. “Nia senti duni povu
nia problema no terus hamutuk ho povu”. Ramos Horta
hatutan, neduni, se karik Prezidenti Xanana iha hanoin
atu halo partidu foun, nee importante ba nasaun.

Horta rasik fo suporta ba Xanana Gusmão atu hari
Partidu CNRT, maibe nia labele involve aan iha partidu
ida, inklui mos CNRT, tanba nia kandidata aan ba
Prezidenti Republika nudar ema independenti.

Bainhira manan iha Eleisaun Prezidensial, fulan Abril
oin mai, Horta prontu atu servisu hamutuk ho partidu
nebee manan eleisaun. “Fretilin mak manan, hau sei
servisu makaas ho Fretilin. See CNRT mak manan mos
hanesan. Nunee, se kandidatu seluk mak manan hau sei
servisu hamutuk ho sira,” nia haktuir.

Mesmu, rona ema barak hatete partidu CNRT nee atu
hari, maibe too agora Horta rasik seidauk simu surat
ida husi partidu nee. Nunee, Prezidenti Xanana rasik
mos seidauk konfirma assuntu ida nee ba nia.

Saturday, March 10, 2007

East Timor announces 8 candidates to stand in presidential election

East Timor announces 8 candidates to stand in presidential election

By ROD McGUIRK Associated Press Writer

DILI, East Timor, March 9 (AP) - East Timorese election authorities
said Saturday that all eight candidates had been approved to contest
this divided nation's presidential polls next month.

But an official warned of a potential for fresh violence during a
three-day appeal period that ends Tuesday in which members of the
public can challenge in the East Timorese Supreme Court any of the
candidates' right to stand.

President Xanana Gusmao, long regarded as a uniting force in his
fledgling democracy but who is himself coming under increasing public
criticism, is stepping down after the April 9 poll that will choose
the nation's second president since it broke away from Indonesia in 1999.

His successor will be called on to steer the nation away from the
brink of political and civil collapse.

The eight candidates who were nominated to replace him had all passed
the Supreme Court registration test, government election official
Tomas do Rosario Cabral said Saturday on the deadline for the announcement.

The field includes Gusmao's sole opponent at the last poll in 2002,
Francisco Xavier do Amaral, a founder of the dominant Fretilin Party.

The candidates also include Prime Minister Jose Ramos-Horta, a close
Gusmao ally, as well as Fernando Lasama, a candidate despised by
Fretilin and a supporter of fugitive military commander Alfredo Reinado.

Observers had feared the rejection of any candidate Saturday could
have been a flash point for new violence. But the capital Dili,
scarred by weeks of gang warfare, remanded relatively calm Saturday.

Martinho Gusmao, a Roman Catholic priest and member of the National
Electoral Commission which oversees the election process, said
security was at risk during the appeal period.

Gusmao, who is not related to the president, said he was pleased that
official presidential candidates were eligible for U.N. bodyguards.

"A few days ago, three candidates came to the president and asked him
for security guarantees," Martinho Gusmao said, adding that no state
security was provided.

East Timor, one of the world's newest and poorest nations, was
plunged into crisis a year ago when factional fighting broke out
between police and army forces, leaving dozens dead and sending tens
of thousands fleeing from their homes. The arrival of 2,700 foreign
peacekeepers helped restore order, but tensions have flared in recent
weeks, raising fears that presidential elections could be violent.

------------------------------------

Associated Press

Saturday, March 10, 2007

8 Candidates Seek Presidency in E.Timor

East Timorese election authorities said Saturday that all eight
candidates were approved to contest this divided nation's
presidential polls next month.

But an official warned of a potential for fresh violence during a
three-day appeal period that ends Tuesday in which members of the
public can challenge in the East Timorese Supreme Court any of the
candidates' right to stand.

President Xanana Gusmao, long regarded as a uniting force in his
fledgling democracy, but who is coming under increasing public
criticism, is stepping down after the April 9 poll that will choose
the nation's second president since it broke away from Indonesia in 1999.

His successor will be called on to steer the nation away from the
brink of political and civil collapse.

The eight candidates who were nominated to replace him had all passed
the Supreme Court registration test, government election official
Tomas do Rosario Cabral said Saturday on the deadline for the announcement.

The field includes Gusmao's sole opponent at the last poll in 2002,
Francisco Xavier do Amaral, a founder of the dominant Fretilin Party.

The candidates also include Prime Minister Jose Ramos-Horta, a close
Gusmao ally who in 1996 shared a Nobel Peace Price for nonviolent
resistance to Indonesian rule.

Observers had feared the rejection of any candidate Saturday could
have been a flash point for new violence. But the capital Dili,
scarred by weeks of gang warfare, remained relatively calm Saturday.

East Timor, one of the world's newest and poorest nations, was
plunged into crisis a year ago when factional fighting broke out
between police and army forces, leaving dozens dead and sending tens
of thousands fleeing from their homes.

The arrival of 2,700 foreign peacekeepers helped restore order, but
tensions have flared in recent weeks, raising fears that presidential
elections could be violent.


------------------------------------------
Joyo Indonesia News Service
------------------------------------------

Ramos Horta in group to contest E Timor presidency

Ramos Horta in group to contest E Timor presidency

Eight candidates, including the current prime minister, will contest
East Timor's presidential race in April, the national election commission says.

The announcement came just days after thousands protested over a raid
by international troops on the hideout of fugitive rebel leader
Alfredo Reinado who has become as a hero among the impoverished
country's restless, unemployed youth.

President Xanana Gusmao, who ordered Reinado's arrest, has called on
his countrymen to avoid doing anything that could destroy national
unity ahead of the April 9 election that would pave the way for the
independence hero's retirement.

"Today is the last day to verify the requirements, and eight
candidates have fulfilled all of those requirements," election
commission chief Faustino Cardoso said.

"The supreme court and the election commission have ratified them."

As well as Prime Minister Jose Ramos-Horta, the Nobel Peace Prize
laureate who is running as an independent, the pack includes
parliamentary chief Francisco Guterres from the ruling Fretilin party
and veteran politician Francisco Xavier do Amaral who lost to Mr
Gusmao in the 2002 race.

East Timor voted in a 1999 referendum for independence from
Indonesia, which had annexed it after Portugal ended its colonial
rule in 1975.

The country became fully independent in 2002 after a period of UN
administration.

The recent standoff between Reinado and Australian troops, which
killed five rebel supporters, has raised fears of violence ahead of
the elections.

Australia, the United States, Great Britain and New Zealand issued
travel warnings for their nationals, saying the situation in East
Timor was volatile and could deteriorate.

The Reinado chase highlights the east-west divide that is troubling
the tiny nation of 1 million people.

The country erupted into chaos and gang violence last May when 600
mutinous soldiers from the western region were dismissed.

Reinado, a former major from the west, quit the army out of sympathy
with his sacked colleagues and has been a thorn to the government since.

He has been on the run since escaping from a Dili jail last August
along with 50 other inmates.

Australia, which headed a UN-backed intervention force to East Timor
in 1999, led a 3,200-strong peacekeeping force back to Dili to combat
last year's violence.

Canberra still has 800 troops in East Timor, along with 120 New
Zealand soldiers.

Australia agreed in January to provide troops to protect the current
UN mission - approved by the Security Council on August 25 for six
months - and rapid response capacity for UN police.

In an address to the United Nations last month, Dr Ramos-Horta begged
members to "stay the course" with Dili after describing building a
state from almost zero as a "Herculean task".

- Reuters

---


AAP

March 10, 2007

ASIA: Guards on wish list as 500,000 prepare for E Timor vote

Jill Jolliffe

Dili March 9


Bodyguards are high on the wish list of some candidates
campaigning to replace East Timor President Xanana Gusmao in a poll on April 9.

With military operations against fugitive Alfredo Reinado
continuing in the mountains and chronic violence simmering in the
East Timorese capital, three of eight contenders have asked for close
protection during campaigning.

"Anything can happen in our current situation," 70-year-old
Xavier do Amaral said, "It's best to be prepared."

He accepted a UN offer of a bodyguard, while two others, Lucia
Lobato and Fernando de Araujo, reportedly asked Gusmao to provide
protection from his own security staff.

When Amaral stood against the ex-guerrilla commander in the last
presidential poll in 2001, it was to ensure that more than one
candidate stood in East Timor's first free election. No one else was willing.

By contrast, the 2007 poll promises to be closely fought between
a range of politically experienced candidates. The choice reflects
the high stakes after months of conflict during which the credibility
of the formerly unchallenged government party Fretilin has been
severely dented.

All candidates had completed legal requirements to stand by
yesterday, with campaigning due to start in earnest.

Among those on the left is Fretilin veteran Francisco 'Lu-Olo'
Guterres, who has served as parliamentary speaker since 2001 and will
have the full weight of the historic "Party of Liberation" behind him.

Experienced analysts see Fretilin as a party strong among rural
voters for its 24 year record of resistance against Indonesian occupation.

Avelino Coelho da Silva of the Timorese Socialist Party (PST) is
another sort of leftist. He is the closest to a Che Guevara East
Timor can offer, and his firebrand oratory could attract younger voters.

Fernando de Araujo of the Democratic Party (PD) was a founder of
the student resistance movement to Indonesia, and later the cellmate
of Xanana Gusmao.

His party was the most-voted opposition party in parliamentary
elections six years ago, but trailing far behind Fretilin's 57.8 per
cent. He is identified with the rebellion against the Fretilin
government in western regions.

The only female candidate is Lucia Lobato, a young, articulate
parliamentarian for the Social Democrat party, which polled closely
behind the PD.

The internationally best-known candidate is prime minister and
Nobel Peace laureate Jose Ramos Horta, an independent. He swapped the
office of foreign minister for prime minister last June after the
fall from grace of Fretilin premier Mari Alkatiri.

With Guterres and Lasama, he is a frontrunner, but the final
result will depend on a trade-off of preferences and alliances if the
contest goes to a second round.

Ramos Horta's brother-in-law Joao Carrascalao, founder of the
conservative Democratic Timorese Party (UDT) is also standing, along
with monarchist Manuel Tilman, a deputy from the KOTA party, which
advocates the restoration of the power of traditional chiefs.

Amaral, Araujo, Lobato and Tilman, are of the Mambai ethnic group
identified with Major Reinado's western revolt. They could siphon
support from Fretilin's traditional voters in these districts, and
benefit from the disaffected youth vote, but it promises to be a
tightly fought battle.

The UN and East Timor's international donors are pulling out all
the stops to ensure the election goes ahead smoothly despite its
volatile backdrop.

According to Steven Wagensall, UN advisor to East Timor's
independent National Electoral Commission, "Around 400,000 previous
voters have been confirmed and we will have around 100,000 new
cards-mainly of 17-year-olds voting for the first time, but also
of people renewing cards lost or destroyed".

He said advisers, communications and transport were being
provided, along with generous technical support in all outlying districts.

Friday, March 09, 2007

East Timor's Broken Promises

Time Magazine
March 8, 2007

East Timor's Broken Promises

By Hannah Beech/Dili

photo: The View from Below: East Timorese jostle
to buy subsidized rice in Ermera, 58 km from Dili. Kemal Jufri/Polaris

Every day, the fancy jeeps cruise past Palmira Pereira's shack on the northern coast of East Timor.
Sometimes, the passengers inside the air-conditioned vehicles raise their hands in greeting, and Pereira,
or one of her 10 children, waves back. But the occupants of the cars—owned by the government, the U.N.
or other organizations that are helping to run this infant country, which gained independence from Indonesia
in 2002—have never stopped to meet the Pereiras. If they did, they would find a family that has
not eaten rice in three months because of shortages that have nearly tripled the price. The
younger children are already showing signs of malnutrition. "I love our country very much, but
independence has given us nothing," says Pereira, her voice softening as she tries to soothe her
hungry infant. "We are starving. Life was better during Indonesian times."

Pereira's wistful recollection of 24 years of brutal Indonesian rule shows just how little
progress East Timor has made in its five years of freedom. As the nation prepares for its first
post-independence presidential election on April 9, East Timor's 1 million people are ranked by
the U.N. as Southeast Asia's poorest. Eight politicians have announced their candidacies,
ranging from populist former resistance fighter Fernando de Araujo to Nobel Peace Prize laureate
and current Prime Minister José Ramos-Horta. But even as such democratic rituals play out, the
capital Dili has erupted into a battleground for gangs, internal refugees and supporters of a
former army commander turned rebel, Alfredo Reinado. Last spring, tensions within the army
spread to the civilian populace, sparking riots in which dozens died. On March 3, Reinado's
forces engaged in a firefight with Australian-led peacekeepers. Four people were killed, but
Reinado escaped. Earlier this week, mobs loyal to him thronged Dili's streets, burning tires and
threatening to torch government buildings. "It can be hard to understand how things have gotten
so bad so quickly," says Lucia Lobato, another presidential candidate. "Without a major change
in leadership, I have no confidence that things will get better."

After the disasters of Somalia, Rwanda and the former Yugoslavia, tiny East Timor was supposed
to prove that nation building was a feasible exercise. An independence referendum in 1999
forced the Indonesians out, but not before departing soldiers and sympathetic local militias
practically leveled the country in a paroxysm of violence that claimed hundreds of lives. All in
all, up to 200,000 East Timorese are believed to have perished during the Indonesian occupation.
Determined to help reconstruct a country that had been birthed in such chaos, the U.N. set up shop
in 1999. A constitution was written, universities were built. Charismatic former guerrilla
commander Xanana Gusmão was elected President. Boasting pristine beaches and untouched coral
reefs, the Catholic country—a legacy of centuries of Portuguese colonialism—was trumpeted as a
future tourism destination. In 2004, the U.N.'s troops began withdrawing (though peacekeepers
returned after last spring's violence), and East Timor was hailed as the little nation that could.
The euphoria lasted long enough for World Bank president Paul Wolfowitz to visit Dili last year
and proclaim: "It really is a remarkable story. In just a few years, the people of [East Timor]
have built a functioning economy and a vibrant democracy from the ashes and destruction of 1999."

Just weeks later, East Timor again descended into conflict, and the country still simmers with
strife. What went wrong? In reality, the simple narrative of East Timor's success hid a far more
complex story line. Yes, the Timorese cherish independence. But no amount of freedom masks the
fact that nearly 45% of the country lives on less than $1 a day. When the international community
began decamping in 2002, thousands of jobs associated with its presence disappeared. The
current government, run by the political party Fretilin, a key resistance force during the
Indonesian occupation, hasn't improved the economic situation much. Although Fretilin's
reputation is burnished by the brave ex-guerrillas and former exiled activists among
its ranks, many members of East Timor's government are woefully inexperienced. "For many
of these people, this is the first real job they ever had," says the head of the opposition Social
Democratic Party, Mario Carrascalão, who even as the Jakarta-appointed governor to East Timor in
the 1980s and early '90s spoke out against the excesses of Indonesian rule.

Nor is it any secret that the fierce determination that makes a good resistance
fighter can prove disastrous in a democracy where conciliation and flexibility are paramount.
Opposition parties snipe that Fretilin has become more concerned with internal squabbles and
retaining power than with the nation's welfare. Case in point: Fretilin's élite—many of whom were
educated in Portuguese and spent decades in exile in countries like Mozambique where it's also
spoken—imposed the European tongue as East Timor's official language. Yet less than 10% of
the population understands Portuguese. The decision, largely acquiesced to by an
international community that sympathized with Fretilin's reluctance to adopt the language of
East Timor's former occupier, excluded an entire generation of Indonesian-educated citizens from
government service. "The current leaders have decided that their own history is more valuable
than ours," says António da Conceição, who was trained in Indonesian and English and now works
as a consultant for AusAID, the Australian government's overseas aid program. "But we
younger people, we fought for independence, too. How can we be turned into second-class citizens?"

Other divisions are festering, too. Even though the country was hardly riven by ethnic hatred
like, say, Rwanda or the former Yugoslavia, tensions between the half-island nation's eastern
and western populations exploded in the spring of 2006 after then Prime Minister Mari Alkatiri
fired nearly 600 army troops predominantly from the country's west. In protest, Commander Reinado
later deserted, claiming that westerners were being discriminated against by eastern army
officers. The dispute sparked weeks of fatal mob unrest that sent some 15% of the population
fleeing to the hills. (On Wednesday, ex-Interior Minister Rogério Lobato was sentenced to 71/2
years in jail for abetting the violence.) Other effects of the crisis linger. Today, tens of
thousands of people from the country's east still live in makeshift refugee camps around Dili. Late
last month, Australian-led peacekeepers, who were invited back to East Timor nearly a year after
they had jubilantly ended their mission in 2005, clashed with a group of armed men from these
camps, resulting in the deaths of two refugees. With Reinado still on the run, Australian Prime
Minister John Howard talked tough on Monday, calling for the renegade soldier to "be neutralized."

The lawlessness of Dili's streets is exacerbated by gangs of unemployed youth, many of whom belong
to rival martial arts clubs that have turned certain parts of the capital into no-go zones.
The spreading anarchy is, in turn, triggering a sense of despair among many East Timorese, who
realize that the fledgling nation's honeymoon is over. "What has happened in East Timor over the
past year has destroyed the claim that this is a nation-building success story," says Laurentina
Barreto Soares, a researcher with the United Nations Development Program in Dili. "Whoever
wins the presidential election could face even tougher problems than Xanana has."

Presidential candidate Ramos-Horta, who is an early favorite despite the nation's mounting woes
during his tenure as Prime Minister, says it's unfair to condemn East Timor to the dust heap of
failing states after just five years of independence. "It can take five years for a Chinese take-away in
Manhattan to break even," he says. "How can we dismiss East Timor as a failed
state when it's not even been given enough time for a restaurant to turn a profit?" Ramos-Horta,
a Fretilin founder who is now an independent, is right in that East Timor is no Afghanistan or
Iraq. "There is no civil war or bombs bursting on the streets," he says. "These are just growing pains
of a young country."

Still, there is palpable discontent in East Timor—and that could boost Ramos-Horta's main
rival Fernando de Araujo, the leader of the Democratic Party, which holds the second-largest
number of parliamentary seats after Fretilin. Imprisoned for six years by the Indonesians for
his pro-independence activities, de Araujo shares a similar resistance-hero status with current
President Gusmão, who is not running for re-election. (Gusmão, however, may form his own
party and could conceivably end up as Prime Minister after parliamentary elections later this
year.) Yet de Araujo is deeply critical of the old guard with which Gusmão has surrounded
himself. "We are a new country, but we are not a new society," says de Araujo, whose party
membership is largely under the age of 40. "Our people can see with their own eyes what has
happened. It has been five years and what is there to show for it? Almost nothing."

Afonso soares was supposed to be one of East Timor's bright hopes. The 22-year-old son of a
vegetable vendor from the eastern town of Baucau had done well enough in school to earn a place at
Dili's Universidade da Paz in 2002, the same year his homeland gained independence. Soares chose to
study law, believing that a strong legal system was a key institution for the young nation. But
all that changed last April, when the army revolt ignited clashes between Dili residents from the
country's east and west. "Before the crisis, east was where the sun rose and west was where the sun
set," says Soares. "Now, differences between these two groups, which I never even knew about
growing up, have been politicized." In late April, Soares' home was burned down by mobs, as
was his mother's vegetable stall. Today, he lives in a camp for 2,825 internally displaced refugees
near Dili's waterfront, sharing a small tent and one bed with six others who must sleep in shifts.
His mother's source of income destroyed, he can no longer afford university. "My dreams have
died," Soares says. "We have no jobs, no education, no homes." The former law student
admits to knowing people in the camps who get drunk on palm spirits and throw stones at
peacekeepers and passersby. "I don't do it myself," he says. "But life is so frustrating, it's hard to calm down."

The sense of frustration is also shared by many in East Timor's nascent middle class. Adérito de
Jesus Soares (no relation to Afonso) does have a law degree, one from New York University no less.
Before his nation's independence, he served as a crusading human-rights lawyer in Indonesia and
helped draft East Timor's constitution. Yet today Soares doesn't practice law at home. Like most
people of the post-'75 generation, Soares was educated in Indonesian and English. The country's
courts, however, operate in Portuguese. Indeed, the language obstacle is so great that every
single one of East Timor's judges, prosecutors and public defenders failed a competency
evaluation in 2005. While they undergo 212 years of linguistic training, the courts are being run
by a dwindling group of international legal experts. In August 2006, for instance, not a
single civil or criminal trial hearing was scheduled because of a lack of staff. Even though
corruption is becoming a concern in East Timor, no cases of graft have been brought to trial
since independence. Today, with so few Portuguese-speaking judicial employees available,
police are having to release suspects because the courts cannot schedule hearings within 72 hours,
as required by law. "The justice system is being seen as enabling the criminals," says Katherine
Hunter, head of the Asia Foundation in Dili, which works on governance and legal issues. "That
creates a growing sense of impunity that makes the situation on the streets much more fluid."

Like many talented East Timorese who have grown disenchanted with the state of their homeland,
human-rights lawyer Soares has decided to leave. He plans to pursue further studies in Australia
next month. "Linguistic ability is becoming the priority in hiring, not judicial expertise,"
Soares says. "How can you build a competent civil society with limitations like these? I don't want
to participate in such a system." But he's among the lucky few. Others like Avelina Gomes, whose
children's school in Dili has been shuttered for a month because it is located in a no-man's land
between two gang territories, can't just pick up and leave. "I'm so worried about my kids'
education," says Gomes, who works as an administrative assistant at a government office.
"There's no sign that the school will reopen, and the security situation is only getting worse."

Some members of Fretilin do acknowledge that divisions have widened under their leadership.
"Our biggest mistake was pretending we are not a traumatized people," says Minister of State
Administration Ana Pessoa, who is a senior member of the ruling party. "By focusing almost
exclusively on the physical reconstruction of this country, we didn't pay enough attention to
people's mental states. People's irrational fears helped trigger the crisis last year, but we
didn't understand it well enough to take it seriously." For his part, Ramos-Horta is urging
his countrymen to look ahead, speaking glowingly of the country's economic potential. Revenues
from offshore oil and gas reserves increased nearly ninefold to $351 million from the 2003-04
fiscal year to the 2005-06 fiscal year. The reserves, which are located between East Timor
and Australia, are to be developed by international and Australian companies, who will
hand over half the royalties to Dili. "We could have 10% growth rates and a shortage of labor in
a few years," predicts Ramos-Horta. Entrepreneurs are also trying to develop East Timor's once
prized coffee plantations. But all the talk of future earnings means little to Dili resident
Linda Ricardo, who lined up one day last month from 5 a.m. in hopes of securing a few sacks of
rice in the afternoon. "The government does nothing," she says. "The situation is hopeless."

Fretilin's pledges of concern were undermined last month when Deputy Prime Minister Estanislau
da Silva denied reports of famine in the countryside, insisting that not a single person
in East Timor had died of hunger since independence. "Every day I have people coming to
my door who are slowly starving," says Bishop of Baucau Basílio do Nascimento. "Are you saying
these people do not exist?" Even if the April presidential election is supposed to give these
citizens a voice, many are so disenfranchised that they see little point in participating in
the democratic process. Back in her shack on the northern coast of East Timor, Pereira just laughs
when asked which candidate she will choose to lead her country. "When I am asked to vote for
President, I will just close my eyes and pick one," she says. "The leaders don't care about
people like me, so why should I care about any of them?"

With reporting by Marcelino X. Magno/Dili

Breve Biografia de Lasama (cadidato Presidencial do Partido Democratico) em Portugues

Tradusaun nee hanesan kontribuisaun oan ida hosi joven Timoroan ida hodi nune ema sira koalia lian portugues bele hatene se loos mak Fernando Lasama, nudar Kandidatu ba Presidente RDTL.

"Lasama: Chegou a Hora de o Povo Governar

Fernando Lasama de Araujo, nasceu em Manutasi, Ainaro, Timor Leste no dia 26 de Fevereiro de pais agricultores.
Ele é o Presidente do Partido Democrático/PD, o maior e mais forte partido de oposição o no contexto polí¬tico de Timor Leste. Lasama é muito conhecido nas bases devido a sua humildade, honestidade, simplicidade, sofrimento e convivencia com o povo. Como uma pessoa que vive com o povo, Lasama conhece bem o sofrimento do povo, e as suas esperanças de um futuro melhor.

Através da Conferência Nacional do PD, em Fevereiro de 2007, os representantes de todos os distritos candidataram Lasama para Presidente da RDTL. "Se Xanana já não quer ser presidente, queremos então que um filho do povo seja Presidente. Chegou a hora de o povo governar, e Lasama avança para Presidente" disse o velho Ernesto Dudu de Ermera.

Como lí¬der, Lasama conta com o apoio de milhares de pessoas em todo Timor. Apoio da juventude, grupo de veteranos da resistência, vários padres e madres, algumas comunidades religiosas minoritá¡rias, estudantes, intelectuais, lí¬deres comunitá¡rios, grupos marginalisados, mulheres e povo em todo Timor.

O empenho de Lasama para com o povo não é só de agora que se candidata para Presidente. Como filho de agricultores, desde criança que sabe as queixas do povo, viveu com o povo e sabe o que o povo deseja.

Aos 12 anos de idade, Lasama já sabia o que era sofrer, e conhecia o sofrimento do povo. E testemunho do sangue derramado e morte de 18 familiares seus nas mãos das tropas Indonésias em 1975. A partir desse momento, a consciencia de Lasama cresceu quanto ao direito á vida, liberdade da tortura, medo e injustiça.

Por isso, olhando para a história da vida de Lasama, a sua vida inteira foi practicamente dedicada ao povo de Timor Leste. Desde a sua infanncia á juventude, Lasama viveu junto a sua comunidade refugiada nas montanhas. Naquela altura, a vida de Lasama foi muito difí¬cil porque muitas pessoas morriam de doena, fome e tortura. De 1982 á 1999, ele juntou-se aos seus colegas estudantes e jovens trabalhando intensivamente para disseminar informação sobre as queixas do povo ao mundo inteiro e organizando o movimento de libertação da pátria e povo de Timor Leste.

Lasama completou os seus estudos secundários na SMA Negeri 1 Becora, Dili e continuou os estudos na área de literatura na Universidade de Udayana, Bali entre 1985-89. No entanto, devido ao seu empenho para com o povo, Lasama parou os seus estudos de modo a organizar e liderar o movimento contra o regime de soeharto e a ocupação de Timor Leste.

Em 1988, Lasama e alguns colegas seus fundaram a RENETIL (Resistencia Nacional dos Estudantes de Timor-Leste). A Renetil, uma organização de estudantil e juventude para a independencia de Timor Leste, na Indonésia. Como uma organização polí¬tica clandestina, a sua responsabilidade era a de organizar os estudantes e intelectuais na Indonésia, Timor Leste e noutros paises. No mãos de Junho de 1988-2000, Lasama ocupou o cargo de Secretário Geral da RENETIL. Nessa posição, Lasama conseguiu organizar e consolidar estudantes, intelectuais e juventude em muitos lugares tais como Dili (Direcção Geral de Timor Leste), Denpasar, Mataram, Ujung Pandang, Surabaya, Malang, Madiun, Jember, Solo, Salatiga, Jogja, Semarang, Cirebon, Bandung, Jakarta, e Lampung. Da mesma forma em Portugal (Direcção Autónoma da RENETIL no Exterior), Austrália, Inglaterra e Irlandia. A RENETIL contava com muitos milhares de membros.

Em Novembro de 1991, alguns dias apôs o massacre de Santa Cruz em Dili, os militares indonésios prenderam Lasama, torturaram e encarceraram-no na prisão de Dempasar, Bali. Em Setembro de 1992, as autoridades indonésias condenaram Lasama por subversão contra o estado indonésio. Consequentemente, Lasama foi condenado a uma pena de 13 anos na prisão de Cipinang, Jakarta. Na prisão de Cipinang, Lasama serviu a sua pena juntamente com João Camara, Marito Reis, e outros líderes da resistencia tais como Xanana Gusmão, o actual Presidente da República Democrática de Timor Leste.
Pelo seu grande empenho ao povo de Timor Leste, a Amnestia Internacional, classificou-o como Prisioneiro de Consciência (encarcerado por defender a libertação da pátria e povo de Timor Leste). Adicionalmente, foi lhe atribuido o Prémio Reebok de Direitos Humanos mas não foi possível ir recebe-lo por se encontrar encarcerado.

Como prisioneiro polí¬tico, Lasama esteve preso desde o dia 25 de Setembro de 1992 até 23 de Março de 1998 condenado por subversão contra o estado Indonésio. Antes disso, esteve preso na prisão de Salemba, Jakarta desde o dia 23 de Março de 1992 à 25 de Setembro de 1992, e no dia 22 de Dezembro de 1991 à 23 de Março de 1992 como prisioneiro polí¬tico na prisão Markas POLDA, Jakarta. De 24 de Novembro de 1991 à 22 de Dezembro de 1991 esteve também preso na prisão POLDA Nusa Tenggara, Denpasar, Bali.

Aquando da queda do Presidente Soeharto do poder, e com o movimento de reforma na Indonésia em forte andamento, Lasama foi libertado condicionalmente em 1998, impedido de participar em actividades políticas.

Gaudensio Figueredo"
CANDIDATO PRESIDENTE DA RDTL

KOMISSAUN ORGANIZADORA
BA ELEISAUN PRESIDENSIAL 2007
Rua : Delta, Hudi-laran, Bairo-Pite (Hotel Hongkong)
Telp : (+670) 723 4277 / 723 8507
Email : rui_meneses@yahoo.com / mentoadi@hotmail.com


MANDATU TOLU HODI KAER ESTADU TIMOR LESTE;
“Kaer Metin Ukun Rasik An, Haburas lia los no domin, hametin justisa no dame, hodi Hari’i Estadu Demokratiku”
Bem vindo no agradecimentos..........
Maluk sira hotu,

Iha loron kmanek ida ne’e, ita halibur hamutuk, atu ha’u, ofisialmente fo sai ba publiku, kona ba hau nia kandidatura ba Presidente RDTL. Ohin loron 9 fulan Marsu tinan 2007, hau ofisialmente deklara katak hau simu fiar nebe inan no aman sira, maun, alin, feton no nan sira, maluk Timor Leste nia oan nebe maka namkari iha rai doben Timor Leste laran, hosi Tutuala to’o rai Enclave Oe-cusse.

Ha’u konsiente katak fiar nebe imi fo mai atan ha’u, liu hosi imi nia assinaturas, no Inan Aman sira nebe hanehan metan, hanesan naha todan no todan tebes. Todan ne’e, laos tanba atu sai nudar Presidente RDTL, maibe oinsa atu resolve problemas nebe maka oras ne’e Nasaun ho Povu hasoru dau-daun. Todan mai ita hotu, no todan liu ba Maun Bo’ot sira nebe uluk kedas ita hotu tane sira, ita hana’i sira, e ita hare no senti duni sira nia matenek iha tempo Resistencia nian, maibe sira la konsegue hadia’a moris Nasaun no povu ida ne’e nian.

Maluk sira mak ha’u hadomi,
Wainhira imi halibur dadaun imi nia assinaturas atu apresenta ha’u nudar Candidato ida ba Presidente RDTL 2007 - 2012, kolegas balu hateten mai ha’u, katak se hau aseita candidatura ne’e hanesan ha’u aseita atu fase bikan foer no raut foer. Hanoin ida ne refleta duni situasaun real nebe Nasaun hasoru dadaun.

Audiencias tomak maka hau respeita,
Hanesan rai ida ne nia oan, ita tenki la’o nafatin ba oin, Vida Nasaun nian labele para, foer ka susar nebe deit mak iha oin, ita tenki hasoru duni ho esforsu maximo para atu hamos. Karik atan ha’u, ema ida maka liman belar liu, laran luak liu, neon nain liu, atu hamos foer hirak nebe oras ne’e ita nia povu ho ita nian nasaun hasoru.

Ba imi rihun sanulu resin nebe maka fo imi nia assinaturas hodi hamosu hau nudar kandidatu, ho hakru’uk, ha’u hato’o obrigado wain. Ba maluk sira Diresaun Partido Democratico nian, no ba militantes ho simpatizantes Partido Democratico nebe maka hakaas an, hodi prepara hela atu hasoru daudaun kampaina Presidencial nian, ha’u hato hakuak bo’ot.
Amigos jornalistas ho maluk sira hotu maka hau hadomi,
Nudar to’os na’in ida nia oan, hau nunka iha hanoin ida katak loron ida ohin, ha’u atu hamrik iha publiko Nasaun Timor Leste ninia oin no iha Komunidade Internacional, atu apresenta an hanesan kandidatu ida, ba Eleisaun Presidencial 2007. Imi hotu hakarak kandidata ha’u, atu nune bele konkretiza imi nia afirmasaun katak “ORAS TO’O ONA POVU KI’IK NIA OAN KAER UKUN”.

Hafoin hanoin no diskute tiha ho maluk barak, hodi simu fiar nebe mak imi fo mai ha’u, hau ho imi, ita sei hakat ba oin ho hanoin importante tolu mak tuir mai ne;

1. Kaer Metin Ukun rasik’an, liu hosi dalan:
• Kaer metin konstituisaun RDTL hodi hala’o Lei no Orden.
• Reorganiza no harmoniza funsionamentu orgaun soberania Estadu nian.
• Rekupera no promove imazen Timor nian nudar nasaun demokratiku, nebe moris hanesan Nasaun ukun rasik’an.
• Garante relasaun diak ho Estadu hotu-hotu, Estadu sira iha Amerika, Europa, Asia no Pasifiku, liu-liu nasoens vizinhas hanesan Indonesia no Australia.
• Kuda no haburas mentalidade soberania iha instituisaun Estadu nian no iha sosidade nia laran.
• Valoriza no promove kontribuisaun funu nain sira nian ba ukun rasik’an
2. Haburas Lia Los no domin, hametin justisa no dame, hodi garante stabilidade no siguransa iha Nasaun Timor Leste laran tomak no iha mundu rai klaran, liu hosi dalan:
• Kaer metin valor kultura no tradisaun Timor Leste nian iha prosesu hari’i Nasaun.
• Restaura no promove valor fiar malu no respeita malu, valor fraternidade, simplisidade no honestidade, Valor toleransia no hakraik’an iha sosiedade nia let.
• Garante no habelar lia los, justisa no rekonsiliasaun tuir kultura no tradisaun, tuir lei nudar konstituisaun RDTL haruka.
• Hametin no Promove unidade nasional iha diversidade nia laran.
• Garante politika anti diskriminasaun, favoritismo, klientismo ho regionalismo.
• Kuda no haburas kultura politika humanista iha instituisaun Estadu nian no iha sosiadade nia laran.
• Promove relasaun diak ho Igreja Katolika, no religiaun sira seluk nebe mak iha Nasaun Timor Leste no desenvolve parseria ida diak ba kontrusaun Nasaun.
3. Hari’i Estadu Demokratiku, liu hosi dalan:
• Garante transparansia no akontabilidade iha prosesu dezenvolvimentu Nasaun nian.
• Garante no fo korajem bo’ot ba partisipasaun povu nian atu hakbesik no rona, hodi akomoda no implementa aspirasaun povu nian
• Enkoraza Guvernu atu hala’o dezenvolvimentu nebe fo benefisiu ba povu ki’ik

Obrigado.

“Hun ida, abut ida, povu ida no Timor ida deit”

Dili, loron 9 Fulan Febreiru tinan 2007
Kandidatu President


Fernando “Lasama” de Aaraujo